Monday, August 19, 2019

CENTERING COOK


In June, I wrote about the upcoming commemoration of the arrival of Captain James Cook in Aotearoa and how Ngāti Kahu had been targeted by the Police for an intelligence risk assessment with regard to it.

Since then, we’ve been approached by the Cook Commemoration / Tuia 250 organisers directly to deny they had any involvement in the Police operation and state that they were shocked to hear about it.  Why they would be shocked is not clear, given the legacy and culture of the man at the centre of the commemorations they are organising and supporting. 

Hei aha (whatever).  We have now advised Tuia 250  that the three mana whenua marae over Mangōnui harbour (Aputerewa, Kēnana and Waiaua) oppose their flotilla coming into the harbour and that the vast majority of mana whenua Marae around Tokerau  (Doubtless Bay) oppose the flotilla coming into the Bay at all.

It is neither necessary nor tika for Ngāti Kahu to connect our facts with the coloniser’s fiction.  To do so would be to centre the coloniser’s comforting positions that:
             We were discovered;
             Our colonial experience is historical and not contemporary;
             Our colonial experience was benevolent and non-violent;
             Our colonial experience was invited by us; and,
             Our colonial experience has been overall beneficial for us.

We refuse to allow our histories to be used to centre these fictions just because Cook was an able navigator, in European terms.

We note that we would not be so crass as to ask or expect the Bosnians, Croatians or Kosovians to commemorate and centre Slobodan Milosevic’s undoubted political skills to showcase and tell their own stories. Nor would we ask the families of Ted Bundy’s victims to centre and commemorate him for his undoubted expertise as a psychology major in order to highlight the many and varied skills of those he kidnapped, raped and murdered.

Using government funds and agencies to commemorate the perpetrators of atrocities and then expecting their victims' whānau and descendants to be OK with that is not right at any price. In fact, it is plain rude, especially when the official government position is to not teach the full, untarnished facts about the perpetrators as part of the core curriculum. 
 
We expect Tuia 250, under tikanga, to remove the rohe moana of Ngāti Kahu, (including Tokerau/Doubtless Bay, Mangōnui harbour and Rangaunu harbour) from its itinerary. 

Should Tuia 250 ignore the mana whenua position because, say, it has the support of private individuals and groups with connections to some Ngāti Kahu hapū, then that rudeness will again be consistent with the culture and legacy of the man at the centre of the commemorations they are supporting and organising.  And again, hei aha.  The Tuia 250 organisers and supporters should NOT be surprised when our response is neither pleased nor pleasing.


Monday, August 12, 2019

WHY I WON'T LEND THE COOK CELEBRATIONS MY BROWN-NESS - by Tina Ngata



[1]  So here we are, in the thick of it – 2019. The Cook celebrations are set in train in multiple townships across our country and many Māori have decided to participate. One of the most common tactics of the colonizer is to place Natives in front of other Natives to hold the debate about colonial abuse – so that the colonizer can continue on their business.

When I first started opposing these events, I was approached with various versions of “please be quiet and/or get on the waka”.

When the attempts to recruit failed – the tactics shifted to publicly discrediting me as a liar, a purist, and a bitter hater who “needs to keep her mouth shut”.

The conversation themes generally went along the lines of:

“This is your chance to tell your side of the story”
“There’s a lot of money involved, you can make this work for you and your people”
“You can get some conservation wins out of this”
“We need to start focussing on how to chart a path forward together”

“Look for better or worse, it happened, and we need to acknowledge that”
“Well the events are going ahead anyway, with or without you, so you just need to decide if you want your voice in there or not.”

It is ethically important to tell “both sides of the story”. But we are actually being used by the colonizer to centre their own story. Indeed, indigenous participation on the margin is vital to the centreing of the colonizer.  Therein is my first reason why I will not lend them my brown-ness: I will not play any role in the colonizer centreing themselves in the story of my land.

Brown endorsement of these events sends a signal to ourselves, and the world, that our interests are being represented and supported. It doesn’t really matter what is said in our participation – what counts is that we participated. That is what the world will see, and when TUIA250 is critiqued, that is the first defence they have.  Therein lies the second reason I will not lend them my brown-ness: I will not be a tool of defence for our colonial government.

This is a form of exploitation that functions to cloak the white supremacy which sits at the heart of these events. The very articulate Moana Jackson has reflected that:

“When many Europeans were still nervously venturing into what Socrates called the ‘little pond’ of the Mediterranean, the peoples of the Pacific were charting the greatest ocean in the world. They mapped its currents, reached for stories in its depths, and established a whakapapa that joined all of its islands together. That is a story worthy of being honoured — but in the Crown commemorations, it is only being told in the shadowed narrative of someone else.”
There is what you say in an event, and there is what an event says – just as monuments are a signal of what society deems important enough to embed as a marker of our identity on the landscape – so too are publicly funded nationwide events a statement in and of themselves.

They are a monument in time that says THIS date matters, that THIS person matters, and that they matter enough to centre our identity on it. In placing our stories within the wake of the colonizer, we give them power to once again be our great benefactor, the centre of our success.

This is why groups like Robyn Kahukiwa’s “Kia Mau” page, and the accompanying declaration, is so important. It is not just opposing the celebrations – it is DENYING them our participation, as Tangata Whenua.

Like I stated above – the colonial story does not hold centre stage in my story of Aotearoa. It does not even share centre stage. Māori are the centre of this nation’s identity, and the colonial story (even that which sits in my own whakapapa) is a much more recent addition to the story of Aotearoa.

We are very selective in what counts as history in this country – certainly, the “Māori Land Wars” (probably more aptly called the Colonial Theft Wars) are not deemed important enough to be embedded in the national curriculum.

In Aotearoa our history is consistently misrepresented, and indeed even the historians at the very centre of the Cook campaign continue to misrepresent the facts of what happened, positioning Cook as benevolent, framing his killing of Native people as a mere character flaw of an otherwise noble renaissance man, and deliberately minimising the murders of brown people that he carried out everywhere he went.

Our participation alongside these people implies endorsement of their fictions, and therein lies my third reason I will not participate in these events: I refuse to allow my brown-ness to endorse the continuation of colonial fictions about the killing of my ancestors, and the theft of our lands and waters.

There is also a larger story and issue at play here and that is the global struggle of opposing the impacts of The Doctrine of Discovery. It has played out all around the world and has been highlighted by the United Nations as the driver of all Indigenous dispossession.

As a mindset, the Doctrine of Discovery reiterates an entitlement to conquer for the sake of imperial expansion.

That mindset sits at the heart of corporate empires to this very day and fuels the processes of climate change and ocean pollution which place our very existence at threat.

I cannot maintain a position of solidarity with my Indigenous brothers and sisters, or one of care for our Earth Mother, while reinforcing the very mindset which threatens them all. I will not allow my Indigeneity to be used in a process that places the roots of my Indigeneity, and my Indigenous brothers and sisters, at threat.

The Doctrine of Discovery is the bedrock of the colonial structure that sits around us. Like all structures – if left alone, the colonial power structure will soon crumble in on itself. It requires acts of restoration and reinforcement in order to sustain itself. Disguising Indigenous truth with colonial fiction is one such act of reinforcement. These colonial fictions look like:

“We were discovered”
“Our colonial experience is historical”
“Our colonial experience was benevolent and non-violent”
“Our colonial experience was invited”
“Our colonial experience has been overall beneficial”

Capitalising on the ‘benefits’ of a platform for us to tell our side of the story belies two facts, one: that we have already been telling this story without them for 250 years, and have generally been vilified by our colonizers, for doing so.  And two: that if the colonizer was genuinely interested in our side of the story, then they could have joined us in this practice at any point over the past 250 years rather than vilifying or arguing with us.

The entire Waitangi Tribunal process is a harrowing experience of us telling our truths about the colonial experience while the Crown continues to deny or minimize it – and that is going on still, today.

Of course, it is hoped that the pockets of Indigenous truth that are allowed through these events will result in some social shift towards justice. This does not, however, allow for the bulk of colonial fiction that is being funded through this same event.

Those colonial fictions will continue to frustrate the struggle of my children and mokopuna for sovereignty in their own land – because the first step to justice is TRUTH.

TUIA250 may not be willing to take responsibility for the colonial mistruths they are facilitating around the country, but I can certainly make them accountable through refusing to lend them my brown-ness.

Most especially – you will not find me anywhere near a welcoming ceremony for the replica of the death ship, Endeavour. To provide welcoming ceremonies for the replica of a ship which killed our people and stole our lands is exactly the kind of endorsement our colonizer requires of us to maintain their false premise of being invited, and welcome, in our role.

These kinds of optics are vital for the colonizer – which is why I use the term “brown-ness” because to them it is very much a performative, optical endorsement of their presence and behaviour that they seek – even though within Te Ao Māori these ceremonies, our whakapapa and mana, should mean so much more.

This is why it becomes difficult and confusing for whānau and communities who don’t want to welcome the colonizer, but do want to welcome each other, our waka hourua, and our performers, who are walking alongside the colonizer, ushering the colonizer into these opportunities. You see – it is US providing the coloniser with opportunities to tell their story and indeed centre it, not the other way around.

Tōku mana Māori, he mana Māori motuhake – a line from the anthem of our tuakana, Te Whānau a Apanui. My mana is a gift of my ancestors, inherited to me by way of whakapapa, genealogy. They have survived 250 years of colonial fictions and oppression. Their marks upon my skin, their name that I carry, their values in my heart, their matauranga in my mind.

Regardless of my actual skin colour – everything that the colonizer perceives as my “brown-ness” actually comes from them, it is a sacred part of who I am, my connection to this land and these waters – and that is the most important reason I cannot, and will not, allow it to be used within a systemic legitimisation of colonial crimes.



Nōku tēnei whenua, kei a au te kōrero. Nōku tēnei whenua, ko au te rangatira – Apirana Mahuika
(This is my land, this is my story to tell. This is my land, and I am the authority)



[1] Edited extract quoted with permission by Tina Ngata [Ngāti Porou] author of The Non-Plastic Māori

Monday, August 05, 2019

RAHUI IN NGATI KAHU



Last Friday, two rāhui were placed in the rohe moana of Ngāti Kahu for one week.

The first is near Taipā where, following the discovery of koiwi (human remains), the kaumātua and kuia (elders) of Matakairiri and neighbouring hapū placed a rāhui (restriction on use) from the mouth of the Ikateretere/Ikatiritiri river at Taipā up to Ryders Creek that branches off the Ōruru river.

The second rāhui follows the tragic death of a fisherman near Hihi-Waiaua last Thursday night and was placed by members of Ngāti Ruaiti and Matarahurahu hapū.  It covers that part of Mangōnui Harbour from Te Pa o Moehuri (Butler Pt) to Paewhenua Island.  The tūpāpaku (body) was found the following day; a grief and a relief to all involved, but especially the whānau. 

The accompanying maps give a rough indication of the area of each rāhui which will both remain in place until the evening of Friday 9th August 2019 when the kaumātua kuia will lift them. 

In both these cases, the New Zealand Police are working with the Coroner and the whānau. 
Therefore, it is not my purpose or place to name the deceased.  The important thing for Iwi Māori is that they both belong to whānau who love them, and the rahui is placed out of respect for them all.  

If you have any question about either rāhui, call me at Te Rūnanga-ā-Iwi o Ngāti Kahu on 09 4083013.

No reira, he pukuaroha no mātou ki a rātou.  We extend our deepest sympathies to the bereaved whānau. 

Monday, July 22, 2019

PRAISE AND PROGRESS


At Waitangi in February this year, the government and Iwi Māori agreed to develop a National Plan of Action to implement the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.  Three months later, Experts from the United Nations Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous People visited to provide advice to the government and Iwi Māori on how to go about drafting it.

The Advice Note the Experts wrote has now been released on the Expert Mechanism’s website at https://www.ohchr.org/EN/Issues/IPeoples/EMRIP/Pages/Session12.aspx and it contains very clear and helpful advice.

Earlier this month, three members of the Independent Monitoring Mechanism, Bill Hamilton, Tracey Whare and Professor Margaret Mutu, along with Jess Ngātai and Hēmi Pirihi from the Human Rights Commission, attended the meeting of the Expert Mechanism in Geneva, Switzerland to present the fifth annual report on the government’s compliance with its obligations under the Declaration.  I covered that report in last week’s column and it can be read on the Ngāti Kahu website at http://www.ngatikahu.iwi.nz/node/16426.  They also reported on the Experts’ visit to this country. 

They were somewhat taken aback by the high level of praise they received from all the members of the Expert Mechanism who expressed strong gratitude to them for having set an historical precedent in monitoring this country’s government each year and in successfully persuading it to start drafting a National Plan of Action to implement the Declaration.

In the formal presentation to a room with about 400 Indigenous Peoples’ and government representatives, the Expert Mechanism asked the Monitoring Mechanism to explain how it had been done?  What were the key elements to its success?  How could other indigenous peoples pick it up?

The answer lies in the fact that the Monitoring Mechanism has its own experts working for it who know the United Nations and its processes really well.  They also have the strong support of our people for what they are doing, as well as the support of the Minister of Māori Development and the backing of the Human Rights Commission.

However, there are still politicians and officials who are obstructive to the Plan of Action and the Declaration; in fact, there was one in Geneva.  Hei aha (whatever).  The Monitoring Mechanism found ways around her, and they were too busy talking with other Indigenous Peoples about how to get all governments to implement the Declaration. 

There is a scripture that says, “No man [generic term], having put his hand to the plough, and looking back, is fit for the Kingdom.”  A whakataukī that echoes that same message is, “He rangai maomao ka taka ki tua o Nukutaurua, e kore a muri e hokia.” When a shoal of maomao fish has passed to seaward of Nukutaurua rock (off Mangōnui harbour) it will never return

So it is that we are making progress on this mission together, and there is no turning back.

Monday, July 15, 2019

MONITORING THE GOVERNMENT


The Independent Monitoring Mechanism is an independent Māori working group created in 2015 with members selected by their iwi (tribal nation) and endorsed by the National Iwi Chairs Forum to act as independent experts to promote and monitor the implementation of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in Aotearoa/New Zealand (the Declaration).

Since 2015, the Mechanism has reported the findings of its monitoring activities annually to the UN Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (EMRIP).  Last week, it presented its 2019- report.  The full report can be read on this link:  https://www.docdroid.net/mbjaqdl/2019-monitoring-report-16jul19.pdf

Arranged under four headings, the report contains ten recommendations to the government as follows:

ONE:  Prioritise taking concrete steps to progress constitutional conversations and implement the recommendations of the Matike Mai report.

TWO:  Remove laws that impede the exercise of mana motuhake (self-determination) by Iwi and Hapū; and develop any new laws through genuine, equitable partnership.

THREE:  Amend the Local Government Act 2002 to (a) clarify and confirm the Tiriti obligations of local and central government; (b) remove the discriminatory provisions that apply to the creation of Māori wards; and (c) ensure that the obligations of free, prior and informed consent are adequately reflected and upheld.

FOUR:  Amend the Treaty claims and settlement processes to better provide for the return of land in accordance with articles 25, 26, 27 and 28 of the Declaration; and Strengthen Waitangi Tribunal powers to issue binding recommendations and require Crown response and action on its recommendations.

FIVE:  Ensure that climate crisis responses reflect Te Tiriti and the Declaration, and adequately address the urgency of the climate crisis; establish bi-partisan forums where significant environmental decisions can be addressed in partnership with Iwi, Hapū and whānau and independently of party politics.

SIX:  Increase resourcing and support for te reo initiatives, including subsidies and incentives to encourage people to learn and teach te reo Māori.

SEVEN:  Implement the recommendations of the Whānau Ora review; apply indigenous, whanau-centred approaches and frameworks across government.

EIGHT:  Urgently act to ensure (a) a halt to the removal of Māori children from whānau, hapū and iwi; (b) Meaningful Tiriti partnership that upholds self-determination and the exercise of Māori authority for the wellbeing of Māori children; (c) Iwi and Māori involvement in co-designing legislation, policy and in reviewing the current system; (d) That any state child protection system meets Tiriti, Declaration and human rights obligations.

NINE:  Continue to support the work of the Safe and Effective Justice Advisory Group Te Uepū Hāpai i te Ora, and once it has completed its work, ensure that proposals and recommendations are urgently implemented.

TEN:  Implement the recommendations made by the EMRIP in its Advice Note which can be read in its entirety on this link:  https://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Issues/IPeoples/EMRIP/Session12/EMRIPAdvisroyNoteNZ2019.docx

Next week I will share how the report was received at the EMRIP’s meeting.-


Monday, July 08, 2019

LOCAL GOVERNMENT AND MAORI



Since I started writing these columns 13 years ago, I have covered and commented on four rounds of local government body elections.  This year, there will be another round and the Electoral Commission has already opened its voting enrolment campaign.

As part of that, the Commission joined with Te Puni Kokiri, the Northland Regional Council and Whangarei District Council, a couple of consultancy firms, NorthTec and an organisation called Te Huinga & Te Tai Tokerau Māori and Council Working Party to call and host the Te Tai Tokerau Māori in Local Government Symposium at Waitangi on Thursday 27th June.

With a fairly comprehensive range of speakers, beginning with a keynote address from Nanaia Mahuta, Minister of Local Government, and concluding with Andrew Judd, ex-Mayor of New Plymouth and self-described ‘recovering racist’, the symposium focused on getting Māori to engage with the election process, whether as candidates or voters.

I was personally most impressed with the youth speaker, Justice Hetaraka, a law student who spoke on why  Māori rangatahi are disengaged and why many (if not the majority) don’t vote.  She prefaced her kōrero with the statement that tino rangatiratanga was her goal.  BUT until then, she felt Māori should participate in the current system. 

And that, I suspect, was how the majority of those present felt; even speakers like Arapeta Tahana (Councillor of Bay of Plenty Regional Council) and Glenn Wilcox (Deputy Chair of the Auckland Independent Māori Statutory Board), who are already at the decision-making table in some form or other.

There is no doubt that local governments have an impact on Iwi Māori.  But, even when Māori succeed in getting elected, we are inevitably a minority voice and must represent a wider constituency than Māori; one which is often hostile to our rangatiratanga.

Since 2002, when the Local Government Act was passed, I have seen three yearly cycles of discussion around how Councils might meet their statutory obligations to maintain and improve opportunities for Māori to contribute to local government decision-making processes, and to facilitate Māori participation in those processes.  But in between times, there have been no sustained or consistent gains. 

Of the current 39 Councillors from the four Councils located in Te Tai Tokerau, only three have Māori hakapapa.  And, apart from the mixed motivations of the failed 2013 campaign for a separate unitary body in the Far North, we have seen the Northland Regional Council set up a Māori Advisory Board in 2014 and some members of the Northland Mayoral Forum have signed a governance agreement with some members of the Tai Tokerau Iwi Chairs Forum this year.  That’s it.

To a degree, Justice Hetaraka’s position matches my own.  However, the critical questions for my Iwi are, first, where does participating in local government fit in our list of priorities?  And second, how much of our very limited resources, time and energies do we invest in either the Electoral Commission’s enrolment campaign and/or those of any Māori candidates?  

More on this in future columns.

Monday, July 01, 2019

FOR THE ENVIRONMENT'S SAKE




Last week, there was a three day hearing by two Independent Environmental Commissioners for the resource consent application of the Far North District Council (FNDC) relating to discharges from the East Coast Wastewater Treatment Plant (the ECWWTP).

The FNDC has been in breach of its consent there for almost a decade, and those most affected by that are the tangata whenua of Ngāti Kahu. 

Since the ECWWTP was installed almost four decades ago, its ‘treated’ wastewater has flowed into the sea at Aurere.  During that period, we have suffered the total disappearance of kokota and karehu and the shrinking in size of the pipi there.  We have also experienced bouts of sickness from eating the tio which have black spots on them, the kutai which are almost entirely black, and the wetfish caught there which often have cancerous growths on them. 

At the same time, we have witnessed an explosion of sea algae that now regularly wash ashore to rot, and a matching explosion in manawa (mangrove) forests that are a sign of excess nutrients in the water and are nature’s way of trying to clean up.

Understandably, we have become wary of taking kaimoana from or near Aurere.  However, it is still one of the main kapata kai of our iwi, and our staple diet still revolves around kaimoana.  So, depending on what our senses tell us, we do still take from there.

As submitter after submitter noted last week, we have a spiritual connection to our whole environment and a hakapapa relationship to every creation within it.  That is why we have never practiced the discharge of human waste material into our waterways when there have always been sensible landbased alternatives available.

During the past decade, while both FNDC and Northland Regional Council (NRC) have effectively ignored the ongoing problems with the ECWWTP and the rest of FNDC’s inadequate sewage infrastructure throughout the District (except Kerikeri), tangata whenua have worked on providing them with viable land-based alternatives.

After lengthy, in-depth research and testing (none of which was paid for by the FNDC or NRC), the most attractive of these alternatives to date is an electro-coagulation unit. 

Following a two year trial at a local enterprise, which is now investing in a permanent larger unit to deal with all its wastewater, evidence of the unit’s efficacy and its economy (much cheaper than the existing system) has been provided to both Councils via the current hearing process.  And yet I witnessed and heard last week a distinct coolness from both Councils toward it.

The Commissioners were empathetic with us but are constrained by legislation.  So, I think they will likely issue a consent for FNDC to continue discharging to water.  However, I think they will make it a much shorter term consent then the original 45 years sought by FNDC and will also make it conditional on consulting meaningfully with tangata whenua and exploring land-based alternatives.

For the environment’s sake, I hope so.

Monday, June 24, 2019

THE PAST IS STILL PRESENT



Last week I received an email advising that the Police had been “assigned to provide an Intelligence Risk Assessment” regarding the upcoming “national commemoration of Captain Cook’s arrival in Aotearoa”, and asking if they could attend the hui-a-marama of Te Rūnanga-ā-Iwi o Ngāti Kahu… “as an observor … to identify any potential issues that might develop”.

I politely advised them that they could not attend but were welcome to make an appointment to meet with one of my staff to discuss their issue.

Ngāti Kahu had nothing to do with Cook because he never came to our rohe.  The European ‘explorer’ that did come was de Surville who responded to the manaakitanga of our tūpuna Ranginui by kidnapping him in retaliation for the taking of a small boat that had drifted ashore.  More than a century later, we learned that three months after being kidnapped, Ranginui died of scurvy on board de Surville’s ship, having never again touched land.

As for Cook, we learnt at school that he was a paragon of virtue and seamanship.  However, tangata whenua where he landed saw him quite differently.  Long after he left, the whippings, woundings, massacres and murders perpetrated by Cook and his crew on them were found to be recorded in his and others’ journals.

Cook’s journals also depict a man who struggled with his conscience, but it didn’t stop him and his crew from leaving a trail of massacres, murders, abductions, torture and theft across the Pacific before they even arrived in Aotearoa.

In a Stuff opinion piece titled ‘Was James Cook a White Supremacist?’, Dame Anne Salmond found that he was likely not.  However, Cook’s journals and his ‘secret admiralty instructions’ depict a man who, like de Surville, came from a racist culture with supremacist notions that allowed them to take the lands (and lives) of any non-white non-Christians they met in their voyages of exploitation.

So, that brings me back to this year’s commemoration.  Following unfavourable tangata whenua reaction to the original proposal, it was renamed Tuia250 Encounters. 

Supported by fifteen government agencies, co-chaired by Dame Jenny Shipley and Hoturoa Barclay-Kerr, well-resourced with a healthy budget ($20million in total) and slickly marketed, its purpose is ‘… to enable a more balanced telling of our stories about Māori and European settlement of New Zealand to guide us as we go forward together.’

But wait – is this the same government that continues to ignore the well-researched stories already told to its own Waitangi Tribunal, refuses to make New Zealand history a compulsory subject in schools, and is targeting Ngāti Kahu for police intelligence gathering leading up to this one-off event?

In her article, Dame Anne Salmond wrote of that first encounter in 1869, “Māori had never seen guns before, and Cook's men had never experienced a wero. Neither side knew the other's protocols for handling meetings with strangers.”  250 years later, it appears the past is still present.  Watch this space.

Monday, June 10, 2019

MISNAMED MINISTRY


Last week’s painful exposé by Newsroom showing in real time an ‘uplift’ by Ministry of Children [M.o.C.] social workers of a newborn baby from his 19 year old mother at Hawkes Bay hospital, provoked strong and polarised public reaction. 

On the one hand – the very much larger hand at that – there was condemnation of the Ministry from inside out and top to bottom; on the other hand, there was condemnation of Iwi Māori, Māori parents, Māori mothers and even Māori midwives and kaumātua, as well as Newsroom itself.  However, awful as the video story was to watch, it was the state’s reaction that was most repellent. 

Reminiscent of the fictional Ministry of Magic [M.o.M.] refusing to believe and trying to shut up Harry Potter and anyone else who proclaimed the horrifying truth that Voldemort was back, the M.o.C. CEO defended her staff, the Minister defended her CEO, the Prime Minister looked sad, and the Ministry attempted to sue Newsroom into changing the story. 

For Māori, this latest exposé and its fallout are very déjà vu.  Since the first modest system of public welfare was established by the state in 1860, we have been subject to innumerable cycles of bad outcomes, reviews, inquiries, restructures, changed policies and revised practices.  But the outcomes for our most vulnerable remain stubbornly bad.

Tim Garlick’s 2012 book, SOCIAL DEVELOPMENTS: An organisational history of the Ministry of Social Development and its predecessors, 1860–2011, provides a decent overview of those cycles and identifies their root cause; i.e. the deeply ingrained and deliberately sustained systemic racism of the state which keeps Māori from controlling and implementing our own Kaupapa Māori systems. 

Is there any answer or cure for that?  Māori have always had the answers and cures for ourselves.  

Kaupapa Māori like Maatua Whangai, Kohanga Reo, Te Roopu Wāhine Māori Toko i Te Ora, Kura Kaupapa Māori, Ataarangi, etc – all work really well under our tikanga.  Yet, as soon as government adopts them, we run into problems.  Someone should do in-depth research on why that is.  I already know it’s not because we or our tikanga and kaupapa are inferior – far from it. 

There is very little trust (if any) in the state’s M.o.C.  Sadly, some of that distrust has trickled down onto the NGOs, including  Iwi Social Services.  But the fact is that those NGOs are forced to chase the state’s social service contractual crumbs and are expected to do more for far less. 

There are some brilliant individuals working for the state and M.o.C.  But they can’t effect the necessary change which is for government to cede control of the Māori tax take to our own governing body(ies), get on with curing its own racism,  and get out of our way. 

As the Kahungunu Kaumātua Des Ratima said last week, “these are OUR whānau OUR problems OUR solutions OUR way."  He also said it was time for the M.o.C. to quit using OUR words to misname itself.  E tautoko ana mātou – we agree.